The original article in Arabic has been published before the clashes that erupted on 6 January in Aleppo, between SDF and transitional government forces. The 10 March agreement between them has not been implemented at the time of publication.
The path towards political and security integration between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian transitional government is causing concern among women in north-eastern Syria, as they are one of the groups most affected by any change in the power structure. After years of building organisational structures that support their rights, they face an uncertain future that counters to their hopes for peace and stability, with real fears that their social and political privileges will be rolled back.
Integration without guarantees?
A system of joint leadership - each leadership position is shared by a man and a woman - has been in place in north-eastern Syria since 2016, in accordance with proposals by Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan, after this system was trialled at the fifth congress of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) in 2012. The experiment was later expanded to include joint presidencies in the communes, i.e. the local councils responsible for managing services, and in the executive councils that organise political and security work.
This method of political administration is unlike any other in the region, and so it provides an argument for the interim government to scale it back or not to adopt it. Officials in the region today face contempt for their administrative methods and internal and external pressure to scale them back, as Shira Osei, head of the media office at the Syrian Democratic Council, points out. “Women need recognition of their existing feminist experience, not on its abolition or dilution”. From their perspective, this means establishing a co-presidency system, recognising women's security forces that address issues of gender violence, and preserving the freedom of women's institutions to operate.
Civil Society Spotlight - Episode 11
06 January 2026
Concerns often stem from the expectation that conservatives will rise to high positions, as suggested by Nahla al-Ali, an agricultural engineer and feminist activist from the city of Deir ez-Zor, who has worked for years with women returning from al-Hol camp. "We may face a security vacuum that opens the door to the rise of extremist forces; this would undo women's gains if they are not constitutionally and institutionally protected”.
On the other hand, some believe that there is an opportunity to consolidate and expand these political approaches across Syria if clear legal guarantees are provided through international pressure and sustained financial support from entities with feminist agendas, creating an opportunity to advocate for gender equality issues. However, this is currently hampered by declining support for feminist organisations, particularly in Deir ez-Zor, where donors are reluctant to inject funding into areas prone to military escalation, further exacerbating the fragility of the current situation.
The absence of female negotiators on the part of the interim government does not bode well for gender participation in governing bodies, despite the announcement of recruitment of female police forces in areas under the current administration. Peacebuilding researcher Randa Hamou from the city of Qamishli warns that “managing the integration process with exclusively male representatives may lead to the exclusion of women and the marginalisation of the experience they have accumulated during years of self-administration, an essential part of the governance structure in north-eastern Syria”. Meanwhile, trainer and feminist activist Wahida Ahmad from Raqqa points out that the greatest danger lies in the transformation of women's participation in the next phase into a “slogan or banner”, at a time when feminist structures may be dissolved or lose their independence under the pressure of political priorities.
No solid ground
The experiment with self-administration marked an important turning point in women's political participation, giving women access to decision-making positions and expanding their presence in public life. The lack of female leaders capable of effectively defending their interests may render the powers granted to women within institutions insufficient.
Civil activist and trainer Wahida Ahmad from Raqqa highlights the gap between laws and reality, as legislation supporting women exists, but its implementation remains weak and sometimes has adverse effects: “Social customs and traditions, especially in villages and tribal communities, continue to pose a major challenge to women's independence. The increasing restrictions on freedom of expression during 2025 also contribute to creating a trust gap, especially after a number of women activists were targeted”.
Researcher Randa Hamou points to the limited impact of civil society on the integration agreement: civil and feminist groups have not escaped the influence of political allegiances across Syria. This contributes to create tension and hate speech and negatively affects opportunities for cooperation and joint action. This is despite various civil society efforts to re-establish communication between feminist activists in Syria in general, hold joint feminist conferences, and participate in activities carried out by civil society organisations with access to different parts of Syria.
"The revolutionary language is now a dictatorial language"
19 December 2025
Furthermore, the situation in Deir ez-Zor, for example, is more complex than in other areas due to geographical and administrative divisions that have created two distinct communities: "One was under the control of the former regime, enjoys a relatively high level of education but is politically isolated, and the other was under the control of the Autonomous Administration and the SDF, suffers from poor educational attainment, and is part of a tribal social structure. It has on the other hand, witnessed opportunities for political openness, the development of dialogue and the raising of demands”, says Nahla.
What do women need?
A part of women in north-eastern Syria view integration from a pragmatic perspective, based on guaranteeing rights and stability in daily life, according to the opinions SyriaUntold collected. This also means preserving gains before any political integration, especially those who established and participated in local and executive councils. This segment of women sees the ‘Women's Protection Units’ or YPJ concerned with cases of gender-based violence as one of the most important gains that must be defended, while a parallel segment of men in the region considers them to be the backbone of their new power.
A broad part of society views integration as a means of alleviating the burdens of daily life and a solution to problems related to the provision of basic services such as electricity, education, health, laws, and others. According to Randa, this group does not see integration as a political or ideological project, but rather as a solution to the dual or sometimes conflicting management of civil and economic services, linked to their daily lives.
“Women's participation must be fundamental in the drafting of the constitution and must not be less than 35%, given what Syrian women have suffered under Syrian constitutions and laws" Shira says. "They must also participate in the management of the transitional phase and in local and national decision-making”.
“The best mechanism for integration is through the enforcement of laws that support women, the activation of women's role in negotiation committees, and the preservation of the role of women's security forces”, Wahida emphasises, stressing the need for Syrian civil society to support this approach by training and qualifying the younger generation of women to take on leadership roles. Wahida summarises her vision with a sentence that encapsulates what safe integration means to her: “The future cannot be written without women, and a nation that excludes half of its population chooses only half of its future”.
